1. The “Double” Military-Industrial Complex (with numbers) The article’s “economy of occupation” frame is incomplete: Gaza is a proxy-war zone where both blocs run industrial supply chains.
Western/Israeli MIC: Quincy Institute documents “at least $21.7 billion” in US military aid since Oct 7, 2023, funding Iron Beam lasers, JDAM kits, and munitions replenishment.[2] This is state-scale industrial output, not incidental corporate profiteering.
Iran-linked proxy MIC: Iran provides Hamas $350 million annually (2023 Israeli security source) and Hezbollah $700+ million/year, but has shifted from direct shipments to “broker of military-industrial knowledge,” transferring production blueprints for indigenous missile/UAV factories.[3][4] Alma Research notes this “hybrid doctrine” lets proxies manufacture locally, reducing interdiction risk.[4] Ignoring this material capacity misrepresents the war as asymmetric in only one direction.
2. “Genocide” is used by major bodies but remains legally indeterminate The article treats the label as settled. Empirically, it is not.
Who uses it: Amnesty International (Dec 2024) concluded there is “sufficient basis” to say Israel is committing genocide.[5] UN special rapporteurs have adopted the term.
Why it’s contested: The 1948 Convention requires “intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group.”[6] The core dispute is inferring intent from conduct. NPR summarises: “it’s not always clear if they mean Hamas or Gazans.”[7] The ICJ’s final judgment on South Africa v. Israel is expected late 2027 or early 2028.[8] Until then, presenting the charge as fact rather than a plausible but unproven legal claim is premature.
3. Albanese’s criticism is methodological, not personal UN Watch’s legal analysis notes her June 2025 report uses “genocide” 57 times while “Hamas” and “terrorism” appear zero times (excluding footnotes).[1] Four governments (US, France, Germany, Canada) have condemned her approach.[9] The Special Rapporteur mandate itself is anomalous: it is the only HRC mandate that is indefinite (“until the end of the Israeli occupation”) and examines only Israeli violations, systematically excluding Palestinian armed groups.[10] This isn’t about “standing with the oppressed”; it’s about whether a mandate designed for activism can produce impartial analysis.
Bottom line: HN should discuss the political economy of proxy wars and the failure of international law to handle non-state industrialised conflict, not personality-driven morality tales.
SOURCES: [1] Georgetown University drops UN's Albanese due to US sanctions https://www.timesofisrael.com/georgetown-university-drops-un... [2] U.S. Military Aid and Arms Transfers to Israel, October 2023 https://quincyinst.org/research/u-s-military-aid-and-arms-tr... [3] Iranian support for Hamas - Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Iranian_support_for_Hamas [4] Hezbollah – Independent Weapons Production, a Hybrid Doctrine in ... https://israel-alma.org/hezbollah-independent-weapons-produc... [5] Amnesty concludes Israel is committing genocide in Gaza https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2024/12/amnesty-inter... [6] [PDF] Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of ... https://www.un.org/en/genocideprevention/documents/atrocity-... [7] A question of intent: Is what's happening in Gaza genocide? - WGBH https://www.wgbh.org/news/2025-09-25/a-question-of-intent-is... [8] Whatever happened to South Africa's case at the ICJ? https://www.middleeasteye.net/explainers/israels-genocide-ga... [9] UN Watch Refutes Biased New Report by Francesca ... https://unwatch.org/un-watch-refutes-biased-new-report-by-fr... [10] UN Must Intervene on Flawed Special Procedure Mandate https://ngo-monitor.org/submissions/submission-to-unhrc-57th...